An Annulment of
REPUBLIKA SRPSKA KRAJINA

August 5, 1995 - August 5, 1999

Predrag R. Dragic Kijuk
 
 

THE ANNIHILATION OF THE SERBS

The war against the Serb lands continued, outside the norms of international law, as it had been waged against the Serb people during the entire course of the disintegration of Communist Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was – through Resolution 820 – prohibited from conducting any kind of transportation activity outside its territory, while water transportation was forbidden in international waters and on the Danube. Article 12 introduced total sanctions (even on humanitarian aid) against the Republic of Serb Krajina and Republika Srpska. The Euro-American community and the UN - principled in their unprincipledness – did not shrink from applying Resolution 820 to the Republic of Serb Krajina, even though this actually meant the recognition of its sovereignty. Simply, the process of the anatomization of the Serb people had to be finalized, regardless of the legal nonsense and violations of democratic principles and international law. Thus, Resolution 820 remains as a ridiculous child of the Security Council, which obsessively sought to annul the Republic of Serb Krajina, but wound up recognizing its sovereignty precisely through this resolution. Namely, the UN Charter provides for sanctions only against sovereign states. The Security Council recognized the very thing (the Republic of Serb Krajina) it had sought to negate in the preceding years.

Since this political pornography did not seem to worry anyone, pressures on the Republic of Serb Krajina to sign consent to its own demise continued. With the beginning of July 1993, the satellite role of go-between in convincing the Serbs to proclaim inevitable defeat as victory (the annulment of the RSK) was taken over by Russia. It was expected, because of the traditionally friendly relations of the two peoples, that the Russian mission would close the problem of the Republic of Serb Krajina for the West and, in the process, perhaps gain a point or two in its humiliating role of political outsider. Western analytical agencies had two reasons to believe in a positive outcome: first, the Russian mission (as an Orthodox mission) would not be perceived as a side that dictates ultimatums and – second, the Russian mission had to protect the West’s interests because (on account of its role of accomplice) Russia’s debts had been written off and economic aid provided. Today, it can be concluded with certainty that Russia profited to the tune of some 435 million dollars (from written-off debts and economic aid) on the damage inflicted on the Serb people. Furthermore, Russian debts (as well as a 1992 loan) amounting to 110 billion dollars were reprogrammed, so that Russia would not use its veto in the Security Council.

The Russian mission, headed by Deputy Foreign Minister Churkin, promised that it would force the Republic of Croatia to cooperation (economic, transportation) with the Republic of Serb Krajina – and that Article 12 of Resolution 820 (concerning the blockade of the RSK) would no longer be applied. This agreement proposal seemed quite realistic to the RSK Government, and without danger of Croatian majorization. Thus, the long-awaited agreement was finally reached (7/15 and 16/1993) in Erdut, signed by officials of the same rank: the RSK Foreign Minister and the Republic of Croatia’s Trade Minister.

The main provisions of the Erdut Agreement stated that the Croatian Army forces were to withdraw from the occupied territories, that UN Police Forces were to control the territories, that the Serbs and the Croats were to use the Maslenica Bridge, the Zemunik Airport and the Peru}a hydroelectric power station in a 50-50 proportion, and that expert groups were to prepare studies for the other common economic enterprises (electrical power production in Obrovac, water supply to the Croat part of Dalmacia). It seemed that the Erdut Agreement would transform anti-Serb politics into the politics of reality and democratic principles proclaimed by the countries of power and influence. More so, because the Security Council confirmed it in Resolution 847 (June 30, 1993), and because the Security Council President’s Statement of July 30, 1993, welcomed the signing of the Erdut Agreement in its second paragraph.

In this case, however, only the sequence of moves was changed: formerly, Croat aggression had preceded the resolutions; now, an agreement preceded an inquisitorial decision. Conspiring with the instructors of profitocracy, Tu|man refused to implement the Erdut Agreement, while the Security Council (which used this agreement to probe the state of the political will of the people of the RSK) passed resolution 855 (8/9/1993), demanding that Yugoslavia accept observers for Kosovo, the Ra{ka region (Sandzak) and Vojvodina. Obviously, the role of the Croatian Inquisitor was taken over by the Security Council, in this project of the de-Serbization, de-Orthodoxation and de-etatization of the Serb nation in its entirety.

A novelty in the relations of Croatia and the Republic of Serb Krajina in this period was that the Croats (directed by the International Community) sought modalities for a new agreement – while continuing with the mass killings, burnings and extermination of the Serb population, which was supposedly protected from aggression by United Nations forces. Thus did Croatia offer the Republic of Serb Krajina a new draft agreement on 9/8/1993, and then - applying the principle of "psychological shocks" in politics - committ a massacre in "Medacki Dzep" that same night and the following day (9/9/1993).

After the Croatian Army completely looted then destroyed eleven Serb villages (in the so-called "Meda~ki D`ep") under UN protection – UNPROFOR interceded with the ruling regime in Beograd (Yugoslavia) and government representatives in Knin (the Republic of Serb Krajina), to prevent the Serbs from expanding war operations. The RSK Government refused UNPROFOR’s cynical demand and sent orders to the Defense Minister and General Staff Commandant (General Mile Novakovic) to reclaim the occupied territory. The General Staff Commandant, a pawn of the Beograd regime, not only did not carry out this order but signed the agreement on which UNPROFOR was insisting, according to which "the Serb Army and armed individuals shall not return to the Medak region when the Croatian Army withdraws." In their further dismantling of the Republic of Serb Krajina, the Security Council and Croatia chose the traditional, well-tested methodology. Continued ethnic cleansings were followed by resolutions that obligated only the Serb side.

In the period between 9/9 and 9/17/1993, the Croats continued with their ethnic cleansing, committing unspeakable crimes in the villages of Divoselo, ^itluk and Po~itelj, as well as in nine smaller villages. Resolution 871, of 10/4/1993, quickly followed, only now the Croat crimes in Lika [the region in which the above villages are located – translator’s note] were not mentioned at all. The first article of this resolution erased the validity of the Republic of Serb Krajina, dividing the UNPROFOR mission on the following territorial principle: UNPROFOR in Croatia, UNPROFOR in Bosna and Hercegovina, and UNPROFOR in Macedonia. And this was not all: Article 2 voiced concern about armed attacks inside Croatia (!!!). This meant that Resolution 871 remained silent about the Croatian Army’s attacks on UN Protected Zones, just as it remained silent about the regular Croatian Army’s involvement (in coalition with the Muslims) in neighboring Bosna and Hercegovina against the Serbs. And, further: Croatia was (in the same article of the resolution) rewarded because the "the respect of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Croatia" is secured.

The Parliament of the Republic of Serb Krajina rejected Resolution 871 in its entirety, passing a Declaration on the Rejection of the Resolution. With Resolution 871, the Security Council clearly demonstrated the direction the policy of the Euro-American coalition would take in its annulment of the Republic of Serb Krajina. The search for a middle solution was totally abandoned and it was obvious that a convenient situation for the definite ethnic cleansing of the RSK Serbs was being prepared. This was, in any case, confirmed by all the resolutions, of which not a single was aimed against Croatia, despite the consistent state terror against the Serbs in Croatia and the ethnic cleansings in the RSK border regions. Only one UN document (Boutros Ghali’s Report to the Security Council of May 15, 1993) testified to the hardships of the Serbs in Croatia. Just in this document it was admited that, in the period up to 3/18/1993, Croatia had expelled about 251,000 Serbs – who found refuge in the Republic of Serb Krajina and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The period covering year 1994 was marked by the International Community’s "efforts" to find the right modality for the annulment of the RSK. Two political sessions (Zagreb and London) resulted in one agreement: the Zagreb Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities (3/29/1994). Still, time was wasted neither on reaffirming the agreement nor on resolutions, because the scenario of the disintegration of the RSK was already known and only the modality had to be worked out. Thus, 1994 represented an administrative interregnum in the International Community’s official relations with the Republic of Serb Krajina. Much more time in this period was devoted to the regime in Beograd, which was showing ever-growing cooperativeness toward the American administration. Through its programmed selection of the RSK Government and Parliament, the Beograd regime controlled, dictated and directed RSK politics, establishing three parallel authorities (civil, military and police) and criminalizing economic and civil life. This is the reason why the RSK Government did not succeed in carrying out some of the provisions of the Zagreb Agreement, namely – to send in its police and organize the administration in the formerly occupied territory. The increasing destabilization of the RSK and growing outside pressure on all the Serb lands carried over into year 1995, which the International Community saw as the year in which the annulment of the already ghettoized Republic of Serb Krajina would be finalized.

The hypocritical march toward the definite destruction of the westernmost Serb state in the Slavic portion of the Balkans proceeded on two paths: on one side, there was a displayed willingness to bring the Serb state in the region of Bosna and Hercegovina (Republika Srpska) into a position of equality relative to the other entity in the same region (the Muslim-Catholic coalition); on the other, there was the determination to wipe the Republic of Serb Krajina from the historical and political map of Europe.

It was, therefore, normal that Resolution 981, of 3/31/1995, represented the height of UN’s hostile policy toward the Serbs. This Resolution absolutely voided the Vance Plan; the territory of the RSK was no longer considered an area under the protection of UN forces. Without the consent of the Serb side, Article 2 of Resolution 981 abolished UNPROFOR and established the "UN Operation for the Return of Confidence."

This was a signal for aggression against the entire Republic of Serb Krajina, because it was no longer under the protection of the United Nations. Croatia decided to carve the RSK in two, choosing for its strategic goal the region of Slavonia. The reason for this was rooted, before all, in a consistent political pragmatism. Namely, in the period between 8/1 and 9/20/1991, during the battle for the Eastern Slavonian city of Vukovar, Croatia – "covered" by the media campaign against the Serbs – undisturbedly carried out the ethnic cleansing of most of Slavonia. Now came the time to finish off the remaining Serbs, so that Slavonia (akin to other region where Serbs used to live) could be reprogrammed into a region of ethnically clean Croatia. According to regular UNPROFOR reports, during the course of 1991, the Croat Euro-papist soldatesque leveled 286 Serb villages in Western Slavonia to the ground. That is why it was all the more important to ruthlessly finish with Western Slavonia, so that the Croats could enter Jasenovac (the one-time concentration camp formed primarily for Serbs) and replace the malignant history of Croat and Vatican policy with a burial ground for "Croat victims of Fascism and Communism."

On May 1, 2 and 3, 1995, with unprecedented brutality and fury, an attack on the remaining 65 Orthodox villages and a few smaller towns in Western Slavonia was carried out. Serb heavy weapons were under the control of UNPROFOR, so the Croatian army could undisturbedly perform its "Catholic action," more so because it had guarantees that the federal army of Yugoslavia (the union of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro) would not react – just as the Banja Luka Corps of Republika Srpska did not react. The national paradox was even bigger considering that Serbia, in accepting the Vance Plan, had taken upon itself the obligation to defend the RSK.

The attempted evacuation (flight) from the Slavonian hell ended with tragic consequences. In order to mitigate this act of crime unprecedented in the second half of the XX century, the Croatian army buried the dead into mass graves and washed the bloodstains from the roads with detergent. Boutros Ghali’s envoy, Yasushi Akashi, was not allowed to enter this territory-cum-Serb-execution-ground for 24 hours.

In this joint action with the representatives of the Euro-American coalition, the Croatian legionnaires erased all traces of existence and life from 11 villages of the Pakrac municipality. Precisely according to the program, on May 1, 1995, the Ustashe flag (the "checkerboard") was once again raised above Jasenovac, when the Croatian Army captured this Serb village. Up until the Second World War Jasenovac had been populated by a Serb majority. After the World War, Serb survivors populated it. After the legionnaire incursion of 1995, no more Serbs were left, so the Croatian Catholic Church quickly organized a mass procession as thanksgiving to Divine Providence for the new Croatian resurrection in Jasenovac. A Jasenovac newspaper, printed especially for this occasion, recorded that the mass Catholic procession, in euphoric celebration, lasted for two days. Thus, the largest city of dead Serbs was transformed into a place of Catholic pilgrimage.

In the village of Jasenovac, on the side toward the Sava River, there is a memorial park located on the same spot where, in 1941, the Croat Ustashe erected a concentration camp, ranked first in Europe in the mass extermination of prisoners. Serbs, Jews and Gypsies were killed in it. The Jasenovac concentration camp was also the only Holocaust execution ground of World War Two with a separate concentration camp for children, aged infant (2,5 months) to 14 years. 75,000 Serb children, of which 14,000 in Jasenovac, were killed in the concentration camps of the Independent State of Croatia, according to the most current documentation.

The process of annihilation of May 1, 2 and 3, 1995, was performed with professional perfection. Whoever was not killed - fled, so this ethnic cleansing action can be considered to be "perfect." This action of the neo-Crusaders was, in the name of civilizational barbarity, accompanied by a hypocritical remark of the Security Council, which called on the Croats to "preserve the dignity of the Serb people." What should be emphasized is the fact that the greatest massacre in Western Slavonia was conducted in the regions from which the "blue helmets" hurriedly disappeared. This is especially true for the Serb refugee mass moving (on May 3) from the direction of Pakrac and Oku~ani down the road toward Gradi{ka (on the territory of Republika Srpska). Descendants of a massacred people from World War Two, now refugee survivors from the third Croat war against Serbs in the XX century, hoped that the blue helmets would protect them – since the departure of the Serbs would make the region of Western Slavonia one hundred percent ethnically clean. The refugee mass, containing mostly children (many of whom drove the tractors), women and the elderly, found itself in a crossfire in the Pra{nik Forest, near Nova Varos. The mass number of Serbs killed is yet to be determined.

At the same time, in order to mitigate this pre-planned ethnic cleansing and continue misleading its public opinion (indoctrinated by the demonization of the Serbs, it was already psychologically prepared to accept a "justified" crime) – the International Community decided to bomb the Serbs in Bosna and Hercegovina. NATO launched air strikes against the Serb Government seat on Pale, as well as against other parts of Republika Srpska.

According to the view of the West, this was the moment to take advantage of the total military dispersion in RS and the RSK and, if not finally establish an Islamic state in Bosna and Hercegovina, at least absolutely realize the creation of an ethnically clean Croatia. Additionally, the pathology of defeat in Western Slavonia (a forced defeat – caused by the lack of military reaction on the part of Republika Srpska and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) was supposed to make clear to the people of the Republic of Serb Krajina that the Serbs are the only people in Europe that can be killed unpunishedly. That is why the ideologues of the new world order – confirming their devotion to racism and the assimilation of the peoples of the Orthodox cultural space – renewed and civilizationally upgraded the parole from World War One: Serbien muss sterben (Serbia must die). The voice of "reason" of German Europe now announced, through Kinkel: Serbien muss man in die knie zwingen (Serbia must be brought to its knees).

Soon after the ethnic cleansing of Western Slavonia, the final and absolutized act ("Storm") of military aggression against the Republic of Serb Krajina was carried out (August 1-5, 1995). The Security Council approved NATO’s use aviation in aiding the Croatian project of ethnic cleansing. The entire Serb military force (without the heavy weapons, which were under UNPROFOR control) and Serb people withdrew from the temporarily occupied territory. The exact number of casualties – fallen during the entrance of the Croatian Army, in the exodus accompanied by machine-gunning from airplanes, in Operation "Afterstorm" when the weak and the left-behind were massacred – is yet to be reliably determined.

According to the estimates of the Yugoslav Commission for Refugees and UN and Red Cross representatives, some 250-300 thousand Serbs from the Republic of Serb Krajina became the longest refugee river of the XX century, as they made their uncertain way to Serbia and Yugoslavia. With this column of unfortunates – exiled from their thousand-year hearths – the question of the Republic of Serb Krajina was ended. The Security Council could now put the case into its archives.

The so-called International Community’s politics of interest and the revitalized historical anachronism of the Roman Catholic Organization were the decision-making factors concerning the fate of the Republic of Serb Krajina. The history of this state, whose territory is under occupation, also represents a history of hypocrisy and papocracy at the end of the gulag XX century.

Under the prevailing circumstances and with the tack of political wisdom in the two larger Serb states (Serbia and Montenegro), the Republic of Serb Krajina lasted as long as it took the Euro-American usurocracy to annul it. The end justified the means, and the so-called International Community held firmly to this Jesuit principle in its destruction of a part of the Serb ethnic space. That is why the Serbs were subjected to the most furious so-far-known media genocide – which, as a parallel means, was supposed to serve in the accomplishment of a goal: the annihilation of a people and a state. The leading role in the programmed demonization of the Serb people – as testified by Raju G. C. Thomas of Marquette University in Milwaukee, Wisconsin – was taken by the Jewish-German lobby in the U.S., which, accordingly, remained silent at the ethnic cleansings of Serbs committed by Croatian forces. Before unfathomable and bestial crimes that repeated the arsenal of atrocities from World War Two, the receptive-to-command world opinion closed its eyes – except in the matter of the sale of human organs. This was a sign of encouragement for the ritual killings, as the most important part of the militant program of Franjo Tu|man’s army, to continue normally – right up to the fall of the Republic of Serb Krajina. The world media’s complicity in these crimes against humanity is evident, as confirmed by the 1995 book, On assassine un peuple (Patrick Barriot – Eve Crepin). Another testimony that this was a genuine media war against the Serbs is that of photo-reporter Russell Gordon, whose text entitled, "The Media War in the Balkans," appeared in the August 1996 issue of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture.

The programmed distortion of the picture of the events in Croatia and Bosna and Hercegovina, the targeted demonization of the martyr Serb people – are clearer today than during the time of the media campaign. Indeed, after the accomplishment of a part of the political interest program (the fall of the RSK), the world’s media have moderated their censorship protocols and now occasionally run texts that reveal the truth about the sufferings of the Serb people. Presumably, there will be an increasing number of such texts, because they can no longer influence the accomplished political result. Understandably, since the process of destroying the Serb spiritual space has not yet been finalized, chances are that, until the final outcome of the annihilation, the full truth about the Roman Catholic and Muslim attempt to exterminate the Serb population shall not be published. This is certainly the reason why up until now (along with the powerful voice of the German writer who ridiculed the servile and indulgent position of the media relative to politics – Peter Handke: Eine winterliche Reise zu den Flussen Donau, Save, Morawa und Drina oder Gerechtigkeit fur Serbien, 1996) only one work (a compilation of texts by 13 authors) that attempts to objectively focus on the evil in the Balkans has appeared (Klaus Bittermann: Serbien muss sterbien – Wahrheit und Luge im Yugoslawischen Burgerkrieg, 1994).
 
 

© Predrag R. Dragic Kijuk

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